12-10-2004, 07:34 PM
Extract-
It takes considerable rhetorical agility to urge the public to support
screening programs so as to prevent the conception of handicapped
individuals while at the same time insisting that full respect
be paid to such developmentally disabled adults as are already
among us.
Is it possible for the same society to espouse the goals of including
people with disabilities as fully equal and participating members and
simultaneously promoting the use of embryo selection and selective
abortion to prevent the births of those who would live with disabilities?
As currently practiced and justified, prenatal testing and embryo
selection cannot comfortably coexist with society’s professed
goals of promoting inclusion and equality for people with disabilities.
Nonetheless, revamped clinical practice and social policy could permit
informed reproductive choice and respect for current and future
people with disabilities. In the first Section of this Article, I argue
that the typical justifications offered by practitioners and researchers
for prenatal testing are mistaken about the implications of disability.
In the second Section, I explain why I discount the claim that people
with disabilities have made great progress—notwithstanding the ad-vent
of prenatal testing. I conclude by proposing reforms to our cur-rent
prenatal testing practices that would meet the challenges posed
by many critics.
What has become known as the disability rights critique of prena-tal
testing has been formulated as follows:
(1) Continuing, persistent, and pervasive discrimination consti-tutes
the major problem of having a disability for people them-selves
and for their families and communities. Rather than im-proving
the medical or social situation of today’s or tomorrow’s
disabled citizens, prenatal diagnosis reinforces the medical model
that disability itself, not societal discrimination against people
with disabilities, is the problem to be solved.
(2) In rejecting an otherwise desired child because they believe
that the child’s disability will diminish their parental experience,
parents suggest that they are unwilling to accept any significant
departure from the parental dreams that a child’s characteristics
might occasion.
(3) When prospective parents select against a fetus because of
predicted disability, they are making an unfortunate, often misin-formed
decision that a disabled child will not fulfill what most peo-ple
seek in child rearing, namely, “to give ourselves to a new being
who starts out with the best we can give, and who will enrich us,
gladden others, contribute to the world, and make us proud.”
In these several contentions can be discerned two broad claims:
that prenatal genetic testing followed by selective abortion is mor-ally
problematic, and that it is driven by misinformation.
link
It takes considerable rhetorical agility to urge the public to support
screening programs so as to prevent the conception of handicapped
individuals while at the same time insisting that full respect
be paid to such developmentally disabled adults as are already
among us.
Is it possible for the same society to espouse the goals of including
people with disabilities as fully equal and participating members and
simultaneously promoting the use of embryo selection and selective
abortion to prevent the births of those who would live with disabilities?
As currently practiced and justified, prenatal testing and embryo
selection cannot comfortably coexist with society’s professed
goals of promoting inclusion and equality for people with disabilities.
Nonetheless, revamped clinical practice and social policy could permit
informed reproductive choice and respect for current and future
people with disabilities. In the first Section of this Article, I argue
that the typical justifications offered by practitioners and researchers
for prenatal testing are mistaken about the implications of disability.
In the second Section, I explain why I discount the claim that people
with disabilities have made great progress—notwithstanding the ad-vent
of prenatal testing. I conclude by proposing reforms to our cur-rent
prenatal testing practices that would meet the challenges posed
by many critics.
What has become known as the disability rights critique of prena-tal
testing has been formulated as follows:
(1) Continuing, persistent, and pervasive discrimination consti-tutes
the major problem of having a disability for people them-selves
and for their families and communities. Rather than im-proving
the medical or social situation of today’s or tomorrow’s
disabled citizens, prenatal diagnosis reinforces the medical model
that disability itself, not societal discrimination against people
with disabilities, is the problem to be solved.
(2) In rejecting an otherwise desired child because they believe
that the child’s disability will diminish their parental experience,
parents suggest that they are unwilling to accept any significant
departure from the parental dreams that a child’s characteristics
might occasion.
(3) When prospective parents select against a fetus because of
predicted disability, they are making an unfortunate, often misin-formed
decision that a disabled child will not fulfill what most peo-ple
seek in child rearing, namely, “to give ourselves to a new being
who starts out with the best we can give, and who will enrich us,
gladden others, contribute to the world, and make us proud.”
In these several contentions can be discerned two broad claims:
that prenatal genetic testing followed by selective abortion is mor-ally
problematic, and that it is driven by misinformation.
link